We have observed that: (a) 40% of the refugees destined to the seven Alberta host cities between 1992 and 1997 had moved by 1998; (b) that larger host cities have higher refugee retention rates; and (c) that employment/education opportunities are most often identified by "leavers" as their reason for moving. Less common, but still noteworthy reasons for moving included general dissatisfaction with the quality of life in the destined community, the desire to be closer to family, friends, and others of the same ethnic/racial origin, and dissatisfaction with refugee settlement services in the first host community. Largely absent were explicit references to intolerant community members or to experiences of racism or discrimination. In this section of the chapter, we examine results from other parts of the larger research project to further interpret the refugee mobility patterns and the explanations for moving provided by "leavers."
The fact that "leavers" are most likely to mention employment/education opportunities for leaving their first Alberta community is not particularly surprising, given the high unemployment rate among adult refugees interviewed in this study and evidence that they were much more likely than other employed Albertans to be working part-time, to be in temporary jobs, and to consider themselves over-qualified for their current jobs (see Tables 3-8 and 3-9, Chapter 3). As a result, the household incomes reported by adult refugees were typically much lower than those of other residents of the cities in which they lived (compare Tables 3-11 and 3-13, Chapter 3), and almost half indicated that they sometimes or often had problems covering living costs (see Table 7-13, Chapter 7). Furthermore, as we will see in a subsequent chapter, when asked about the different things people worry about when settling in a new country, four out of five adult refugees (81%) indicated that they were concerned about "finding or keeping a job" (see Table 6-10, Chapter 6). And virtually all (97%) agreed that "finding a good job" is important for continuing to live successfully in Canada (see Table 6-8, Chapter 6).
Hence, we know that employment opportunities are of great concern to refugees arriving in Canada and Alberta, and that the desire for better employment figures strongly in the explanations for moving to larger cities provided by "leavers." However, when we examine the current employment situation of adult refugees living in Edmonton and Calgary (see Table 3-9 in Chapter 3) we observe that their unemployment rates are higher than those observed among refugees currently resident in the mid-size and smaller host communities. Part of the explanation of this unexpected finding may be that refugees who were having more difficulty finding employment in their first Alberta city were more likely to move on, leaving behind those who had been somewhat more successful in the local labour market. More importantly, the "refugee profiles" in Chapter 3 (Tables 3-1 to 3-7) show that a relatively high proportion of refugees arriving in Alberta have post-secondary credentials and occupational training that they obviously hope to use in Canada. Smaller and mid-sized host communities would offer fewer opportunities for well-educated refugees seeking employment in their area of training, while larger cities like Edmonton and Calgary would offer more hope. In fact, we see a slightly higher proportion of adult refugees employed in managerial / professional / skilled jobs in Edmonton and Calgary, compared with the other host communities (Table 3-9 in Chapter 3). Furthermore, larger cities contain more post-secondary institutions where refugees could go for credential up-grading or retraining.
Nevertheless, when we compare the current employment situation of "leavers" who arrived in Edmonton and Calgary with that of refugees originally destined to these two large cities and still living there (results not shown in tables), we find similar unemployment rates (19% and 20%, respectively). Individuals in the two groups are about equally likely to be working part-time (24% and 26%, respectively), to be in temporary jobs (31% versus 26%), and to feel over-qualified for their jobs (46% versus 43%). However, the "leavers" who came to these two large cities are somewhat more likely to be employed in managerial / professional / skilled jobs (49%), in contrast to the refugees who were originally destined to these two cities (42%). Thus, while the possibility of better jobs attracted most "leavers" to larger cities, many of their employment hopes remain unfulfilled. Even so, the vast majority of "leavers" look back at their decision to move and conclude that it was the "right decision" (Table 5-3).
We noted in Section E above that only 14% of all answers to the "why did you leave?" question referenced a desire to be closer to family and friends or to live in a community where others from the same ethnic/racial origin were also living. Employment and education-related reasons for leaving were much more common. This difference in relative importance is corroborated by other survey findings presented later in this report. There we observe 61% of the adult refugees indicating that "having relatives close by" is "very important" for living successfully in Canada, and 52% stating that "having friends from the same cultural background" is "very important," compared to 92% for "finding a good job" (see Table 6-8, Chapter 6).
We also noted that very few "leavers" commented on negative responses from other community residents (e.g., hostility, discrimination) when explaining their reasons for leaving their original city of destination. Thus, the lower refugee retention rates in mid-sized and smaller host cities cannot be directly attributed to the reception received by refugees in these communities. In fact, in Chapter 4 we observed that, according to the public opinion survey results, residents of these cities appeared to be somewhat more open to cultural diversity (see Table 4-22).
However, as Chapter 7 demonstrates (see Table 7-9), one in four adult refugees did report experiences of discrimination/racism after arriving in Alberta. More than half of these individuals indicated that this had happened "several times" or "very often." Furthermore, refugees currently living in Calgary and Edmonton were less likely than those living in smaller host cities (Fort McMurray was the exception to this pattern) to report such experiences. In contrast, over half of the refugees currently living in Medicine Hat stated that they had experienced discrimination or racism since arriving in Alberta (Table 7-9). Thus, there is evidence that refugees resident in the two largest Alberta cities are less likely to report experiences of discrimination and racism. But since most "leavers" did not link such experiences to their decision to leave, we cannot draw the conclusion that a more positive reception for refugees in larger cities is related to higher refugee retention rates2.
Finally, Table 5-3 revealed that 11% of all reasons for moving provided by "leavers" focused on the inadequacy or absence of services that refugees felt they needed. A more detailed discussion of service use and evaluation by refugees appears in the next chapter. It is noteworthy, however, that when refugees were asked about services that would have been beneficial but that were not available, the largest number of their responses focused on job-related issues (see Table 6-6, Chapter 6).
Midway through the interview, after a set of questions about the quality of life in their current city, all of the adult refugees were asked how long they planned to live in this city. Over half (56%) answered that they had no plans to leave or used phrases such as "for good" or "for life." One in six (17%) indicated that they did not know how long they would stay, 14% gave answers up to and including five years, and the remaining 13% gave answers ranging from 6 to 40 years.
Recognizing that current intentions may not translate into reality, the fact that only 14% of this sample of refugees expect to leave their current community within five years is very interesting, particularly when compared with an Alberta-wide statistic cited earlier – in 1991, 24% of all Albertans were living in a different community compared to five years earlier (see Table 4-20, Chapter 4). Even if we add the 17% who answered "don’t know" to the "within five years" category, the total of 31% is not that much higher than the province-wide mobility rate. This would suggest that, after a few years in the country and a higher than average level of geographic mobility at the outset, refugees do begin to "put down roots" within several years.
However, refugees are also more likely to settle and stay in larger cities. We have already observed that, with a few exceptions, the larger the city, the higher the refugee retention rate. This study also provides evidence that, in general, the larger the current city of residence, the more likely refugees are to plan to stay indefinitely. Figure 5-5 presents responses to the "mobility intentions" question from current residents of the five largest host cities3. Three-quarters (74%) of the current Edmonton residents had no intention of leaving, along with two-thirds of the Calgary residents, and just over half (52%) of the Red Deer residents. However, only one-third of the Lethbridge residents, and only 20% of the refugees living in Medicine Hat are in the staying "for good" category.
Turning our attention to those who planned to leave within five years, we note that only 8% of the refugees living in Edmonton, 6% of those resident in Calgary, and 11% of the Red Deer sub-sample are in this category. In contrast, 22% of the refugees living in Medicine Hat and 30% of those living in Lethbridge indicated that they planned to stay for five years or less. In addition, almost one-third of the refugees living in these two cities answered "don’t know" to the mobility intentions question. Thus, in general, the larger the city, the less likely refugees are to plan to move elsewhere. Lethbridge is somewhat of an exception to this pattern. While larger than both Medicine Hat and Red Deer, it also has the highest "planning to leave within five years" rate.
A pair of follow-up questions asked those refugees who planned to move within the next five years where they might move, and why they expected to do so. Since the number of respondents planning to move is small, the following discussion combines responses from a total of 57 adult refugees resident in the Alberta host cities (those living in other communities in Alberta and in other provinces are omitted from the analysis).
A total of 23 refugees currently living in the mid-sized or smaller host cities expected to move to Calgary or Edmonton (16 and 7 individuals, respectively). Nine individuals planned to move to Vancouver, and one mentioned Victoria. Seven planned to move to Toronto, along with three others who mentioned other Ontario destinations. Six mentioned other countries, only two planned to move to other Alberta communities, and six did not specify a city. Thus, for refugees planning to move within the next five years, large Canadian cities, both inside and outside Alberta, appear to be most attractive.
When asked why they might move within the next five years, the 57 refugees who had such intentions typically mentioned better employment opportunities elsewhere (41% of all responses) or better educational opportunities for themselves and/or other family members (25% of all responses). Only 12% of the responses made reference to a desire to live closer to other family members or friends, while the remaining responses commented on a range of more specific "push" or "pull" factors.
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